Neighborhood Villages
Mala Mlinska
The Partisan Raid on Mlinska on
10.09.1942
By Jakob Benz
Translated by Henry Fischer
Submitted by Ron Berg-Iverson
The German settlements in western Slavonia and Croatia in the
vicinity of mountains and surrounded by huge forests, were soon the
target and goal of incursions and raids by the Partisans. Besides,
there were things of value to get there. Both Djulaves and Bastaji
had already been attacked. The German men who had offered resistance,
had been kidnapped and then brutally murdered. Mlinska appealed to
the leaders of the Volkgroup in Essegg for help and assistance. Some
of the men no longer felt safe in sleeping in their homes. The
continuing threat and the carrying out of the beastly murders by the
Partisans in other communities simply added to the apprehension and
the fear all of Mlinska experienced.
I was called upon to defend Mlinska with fifty-five men from the
eastern Slavonian and Syrmien region. We had one light weight machine
gun, a machine pistol, old rifles from the First World War, a chest of
hand-grenades and another chest of ammunition. I had take one of the
rifles to the local Serbian blacksmith to put it back into shape.
Because we were only too well aware of our precarious position, I
requested that the Domobrani, (Henry’s Note. The local Croatian
militia) in Garnesnica, who were called upon to defend the regional
capital, should also provide support for us.
A few days before the raid on Mlinska,
the Partisans had attacked Goila which was defended by German troops
stationed there because of the oil derricks there, which were totally
destroyed, and these troops were much better equipped then we were.
On the night of September 10th 1942, the
Partisans marched on Mlinska from all sides.
Their major attack was directed along the road that led to Vinograd. They
sneaked through the barnyards towards our chief defensive position, the
school. From along the bridge across the Mlinska Creek in the direction
of Vinograd, there sounded the ear piercing cries and screams of women and
children. Because our machine gun was useless, and the Partisans were
armed with machine pistols and numerous machine guns that far outnumbered
our rifles, there was no alternative for me and the few men I had around
me but to break through the encirclement and head to Garesnica, in order
to get help. At the heights before Klein Pasijan the Partisans had strung
a chain in our way along the road. As a result one of our men was
severely wounded. A dum-dum bullet blew away part of his hip. We dragged
him along with us to Gross Paskujan, and one of our countrymen brought him
in a wagon from there to Garnesnica. As I stood on the heights above both
of the Pasijan villages, I looked back at Mlinska and the school was
already burning, and shortly afterwards our reserve ammunition which we
had hidden under the school exploded and blew the building apart.
No help was available from the
Domobrani troops in Garnesnica. The Partisans must have known about our
breakout, because they now undertook an attack on Garnesnica. As we came
into Garnesnica, we met a terrified horde of “Homeland Defenders” (which
is a literal translation of Domobrani), and the commander asked me to
place my men on sentry duty during the night to personally protect him.
He had no confidence in his own Domobranis.
There were many instances in which
Domobrani were unable to provide any defence for the Croatian population,
because many of their officers turned traitor and worked closely with the
Partisans. Such a state could hardly be tolerated. The Germans alone
could not protect him.
There were nineteen men from the local
defence troops who lost their lives in the attack on Mlinska, and three
men from the village were murdered. They were the last to be buried in
the Mlinska cemetery.
The school and several houses were burned to the ground.
The wounded man, that I brought to the
hospital in Bjelovar died there.
After the raid, it was clear, that our
homeland would be lost to us. Following the expulsion of the Turks from
the area there had been no military activity, but now, through the
activities and goals of the Partisans it became a virtual battlefield.
The Germans, who in the main part were defenceless became the major target
of both the nationalist and communist elements among the Partisan
brigades. The time was fast approaching when their properties and homes
would be easy take over without too much effort. For after all everyone
knew the Germans had been given the best land.
The Court Proceedings of the Partisans
After the raid on Mlinska, there was a
court proceeding that was held up in the forest, in Bukvik, dealing with
the captured and accused men they had apprehended in Mlinska.
Our fellow villager, Johann Ferber, who
was also captured and taken by the Partisans , later shared with us the
following:
“During the raid, the following fellow
villagers were accused and taken away:
Stefan Frey was accused of having led a
Partisan officer into a trap, resulting in him being severely wounded.
As a matter of fact, two soldiers had
entrenched themselves in his house, in order to defend themselves against
the Partisans. They had sought refuge in his house. They had done so to
defend his house from further destruction and further gunfire, but he
attempted to convince the soldiers to give themselves up. But they
insisted on dealing with a Partisan officer. Stefan Frey proceeded to
notify one of the Partisan officers, and as a result one of the Partisan
officers approached the house to negotiate with the soldiers. As he
approached them, one of the soldiers shot him in the shoulder. This was
looked upon as a hostile act on Stefan Frey’s part, and it was because of
that he was being put on trial.
Johann Hoffmann and one of the officers
of the regional security forces were captured while in uniform.
Heinrich Hosser was the local leader of
the German Folkgroup organization.
The Partisans found a rifle in our yard,
that one of the fleeing soldiers had somehow hidden. At that time I had
sought safety in our cellar and I knew nothing about a gun at all. The
Partisans were afraid that there were soldiers hiding in my barn and
stalls, so that they shot wildly and managed to hit one of my horses in
the foot.
The Partisans who carried out the trial
were also our accusers. They had to give the grounds for the reason for
putting us on trial. The Partisans sat in a circle all around us. Each
one of us was assigned a defender. It was simply a show trial held to
entertain the screaming and boisterous attackers, who screamed the loudest
when the death sentence was passed on one of the men.
Stefan Frey, Johann Hoffmann and the
officer were sentenced to death. They were led away by a special unit and
butchered in the forest nearby.
Stefan Frey had twenty-seven stab
wounds on his body, and each of his fingers were cut open, so that they
could make him suffer as long as possible. Johann Hoffmann was stabbed
through his ear and into his brain, and had his throat cut. The officer
and a Ustasi soldier, whom they had kidnapped in Vinograd, where likewise
butchered. The Partisans were jubilant and ecstatic over the screams and
moans of the martyred men.
When it was discovered that Heinrich
Hosser was not the wanted Johann Schüssler who was the local leader of the
German Folkgroup Organization, they let him return home.
I was fortunate that one of the
Partisans was a Slovenian who was studying with the same master craftsman
I was. He spoke up for me, but with the warning that I could not reveal
the fact that I had seen him among the Partisans. He also played a
leading role among the Partisans. Through him my life was spared and I
was able to tell the families of the murdered men where they could find
their bodies.
The Partisans had totally plundered
all of the houses of Mlinska. All of the drawers were emptied of their
contents, all of the bedding, pillows, mattresses and covers were taken,
and even the towels hanging in the kitchen. They also took all the money
they could find. They loaded everything on wagons and drove off.
The Great Leave Taking
After the raid, resulting in the
beastly murder of Stefan Frey and Johann Hoffmann, and David Turban’s
death after the attack on the village of Jaras of Popovac, where he was
shot, and with the school and many houses in Mlinska in flames, it was
clear to everyone that we could no longer remain here. There was fear
every night, and they spent long and sleepless nights. The village was
completely defenceless, and many of the men no longer slept in their homes
at night.
How long could one live with all of this uncertainty and the constant
fear of the loss of life all around them?
The crops that had not yet been taken
in were quickly harvested, but no new crops were planted. But some still
prepared for the next year, but only enough to see them through.
Appeals were sent to the Folk Group
leadership in Essegg, to make every effort to resettle the population of
Mlinska and remove them from this dangerous situation in which they found
themselves. There were already plans to resettle the Germans of Bosnia to
safety in the German Reich, and they desired to join this evacuation.
In the Treaty between the German Reich
and the Independent State of Croatia of 30.09.1942 the resettlement of the
Bosnia Germans had been approved. This item in the Treaty was now
extended to also include those Germans in Croatia.
The agreement included:
A forced resettlement would not be
undertaken. The right to resettle was extended to all Germans, including
also those men serving in the Croatian or German armies, or had joined the
Waffen-SS. This also applied to those who were already in the Reich who
had gone there to work. In cases of mixed marriages with non-Germans, if
they were half-Germans they would be accepted.
The following items could be taken by
those who were being resettled: clothes, bedding, dishes and tableware,
linens, food and other provisions. All livestock, furnishings, machines
and tools would have to be left behind.
In terms of money, each person would
receive 2,000 Kuna or 100 Reichs Mark. All other money was to be
presented with their documentation at the time they were registered with
the Resettlement Commission.
The representatives of the German
Resettlement Commission were to meet with the representatives of the
Croatian Government in order to establish an inventory of value of the
homes and landholdings of the Germans to be resettled, and also to do the
same in terms of the livestock and machinery. No representative of the
Croatian government ever put in an appearance.
The chief of staff of the headquarters
of the Resettlement Commission consisted of individuals who had been
involved in the earlier resettlement of the Bessarabia Germans from the
eastern territories. The process was soon underway and registration began
quickly. None of the residents of Mlinska or Pasijan will ever forget the
very personal nature of this darkest hour in their lives, the personal
worries, grief and anxieties they endured in giving up forever their homes
and the only life they had ever known. The inner anguish was more than
many could bear, as they were forced to uproot themselves with only a
vague hope of what the future might hold for them. These memories need to
be preserved and acknowledged and are done so here.
Things would be different for many of
them in their personal experiences during their time in the camps after
arriving in Poland. What was in effect there was a lack of understanding
and sympathy. In their dealings with Reich officials they were met by
undisguised arrogance. These men were completely ignorant of their
origins and the situation into which they had been placed by the events
that had forced their resettlement. They poured cold water on all of
their hopes and dreams. Our people had a sense of community with one
another, and also with the other people around them, and were accustomed
to common courtesy and kindness in their personal interactions. The
military style of life in the camps to which they were subjected was
foreign to them.
When they were registered by the
Commission they were informed of what they were allowed to take with them,
and packing became everyone’s full time occupation. But as always they
were prepared to help and assist one another in this task. Chests were
nailed shut and names and numbers were written on them. Bedding was
either sewed into sacks or into bundles. Everyone wanted to take as much
as they could, especially in terms of food provisions. On many occasions
they unpacked what they had already packed because they had found other
items they could not do without and had to discard what they had
originally chosen. There were a whole set of different feelings around
each item, and it was painful to make the choice. None of this is written
down anywhere. But the memories remain and continue to be matters that
the older people discuss among one another remembering those days.
On October 27th 1942, four days before
our major local festival to commemorate the dedication of our school, the
heavily loaded wagon train, under the protection of the Wehrmacht got
under way, heading for the train station in Garesnica.
The Croatian Army was to take over our
abandoned properties. But none of them put in an appearance so that our
people had to feed the livestock before they left, leaving them
unattended. Of course there were those who attempted to alleviate the
situation for their livestock. Several filled all of the water troughs
and released the livestock from the stables and let them roam in order to
find food for themselves. Others filled the mangers with hay, so that
they would not starve. There were others who could not deal with having
to leave the results of the harvest behind for others who were only too
glad to see them leave. They went into their wine cellars and opened the
faucets of their wine barrels and watched the wine drain onto the earth
floor.
My mother, who stayed with me and was
not resettled, visited Mlinska one more time the next day, the 28th of
October. At Suputs, our next door neighbours, across the street from us,
there was a table full of slaughtered chickens, and a huge crock of sour
peppers in her kitchen that she had dragged in. She was obviously
exhausted from her labours, for it had been no small fete and Ljubica
explained all of her efforts by saying, “My Joco really likes your sour
peppers!”
It was much like what others found as well. There were a couple of
women from Mlinska who returned early on the 28th, having walked quickly
from Garesnica to come home to Mlinska. Forever after, they claimed the
pitiful bellowing of the unmilked cows rang in their ears.
The men in Garesnica were busy with
loading their belongings on the train cars. When everything was loaded
and the people were on board, the train left for Germany at three in the
afternoon on October 28th 1942. The horses remained in harness with the
wagons and where simply left standing there. There were some of the men
who removed their harnesses with the hope that they might need them again
some time in the future. For if there had not been any hope like this,
our leave taking would have been even more unbearable.
Later we learned, that three days later
a company of Domobrani came to Mlinska. They soon discovered the wine
cellars whose barrels had been tapped. Using their helmets they scooped
up the wine from the floor and drank it. They were soon so drunk that two
Partisans, it was said, could have captured the whole company all on their
own.
For the other nationalities, as well as
the Partisans from the surrounding area, along with the Gypsies, who now
took up quarters in the German homes, began to live in what for them was a
fool’s paradise.
The day after the raid on Mlinska my
grandmother was standing at the gate to our yard, looking down the street
in the direction of the school and wept. A Partisan (a woman) passed by
her and said, “Little grandmother, why are you crying? Because of the
houses that are in flames? These will all be rebuilt by the industrious
hardworking hands that first built Mlinska.”
But those industrious hardworking hands
were no longer there in Mlinska after the war was over, which was only too
obvious to all who visited there in the following years.
In The Camps
Along with the loss of their homeland
they now also lost their independence. They were simply numbers in a
camp, in which those in charge had little understanding or any empathy for
the people committed to their care. Even less were they even able to
comprehend what effect the raid on their community and their resettlement
had on them. They were often treated and dealt with as if they were there
to serve the officials rather than have heir own needs met.
Their disillusionment already began on
their journey to the Kirschberg Camp, when they were unloaded at Zgierz
and were deloused. Without any consideration for modesty, all of the
mothers, daughters, and little children were forced to undress and then
were herded together under showerheads. While this procedure went ahead
their clothing was “deloused”. The same happened to the men and the older
sons. They had never received treatment like this before, and were
shocked to find themselves in a situation that was totally out of
character for them.
After this cold shower they were taken
back to the train depot and entrained and went on to Pabianice, where they
had to be loaded on board trucks, that brought them to the camp at
Kirschberg. The large pieces of their luggage were unloaded from the
trucks and stored in a warehouse, while they were allowed to take their
smaller pieces with them. They arrived in Kirschberg on October 30th,
1942.
Two to three families were ushered into
each of the houses, on their arrival in Kirschberg, which had been the
summer homes of rich people from Lodz. In Camp #1 the villagers from
Mlinska, Brschljanic, Paschijan, Dischnik and Popovac were billeted. With
their registration they received a ration book for food, the first steps
towards a more regularized and ordered life. From then on, they had to
follow orders: Report to receive your food allotment.” Report for this
and get in line for that, day after day, always standing in line. Order
had to prevail. Wishes and desires were never given any consideration.
The people in charge and the administration always knew better. Such
treatment was totally repellent to them. They had never experienced
anything like this living among foreign populations in the past.
Being unoccupied and living in such
close quarters had all kinds of adverse effects upon our people. They had
too much time on their hands, in order to grumble about what they had
endured, and what they had to live with in the present. For the women
there was no problem with regard to cooking in the camp. The food was
prepared in a large kitchen, but it was not to the taste of our people.
For noon there was hot soup, which seldom included meat. In the mornings
and at evening there was a thick broth. Small children received a quarter
of a litre of milk. Those families consisting of only adults seldom
received milk or butter, because they were in short supply. During the
third year of the war as shortages became more pronounced many of our
people found ways to escape from the camp and find food in the
neighbourhood. But of course there were those who were part of the camp
administration who experienced no shortages at all and lived high on the
hog.
In order to improve on their meagre
rations, in the winter of 1942/1943 the men from the camp were driven over
to the warehouse in Pabianice to bring back some of the possessions they
had brought with them. But they could only bring back what they found
there. Most of the chest had been broken into and the contents stolen.
The disappointment and bitterness of the people reached new heights.
Daily life in the Camp:
During the summer, all adults had to
report at 7:00 in the morning, and 8:00 in the winter, and assemble at a
central area for roll call just like soldiers. The commander of the camp
would give orders for the day, and the people were placed in work units.
The able bodied men were put in groups, and were set to work either in
Litzmannstadt (Lodz) or in the camp. Many of them only came home on the
weekends. Most of them worked in the armaments industry. All of the able
bodied had to work, including the women.
Each of the camps had their own
administration and commander and office workers, who also had their living
quarters. The camp commander was an SS man. The headquarters for the
whole complex was in camp V. It was there were the large cooking kitchen,
the hospital, the dental clinic, school, moviehouse, sport’s field, and
youth home were to be found. At the age of sixteen and seventeen our
young boys were taken into the army. Families, who had sons at the front,
were allowed to leave the camp and were settled at Stockhof by
Litzmanstadt. There they were free citizens.
After becoming naturalized citizens of
the German Reich, the people were called up for settlement in the General
Government of Poland in the areas of Lublin and Samosc. Because the
homesteads promised to them would be in Polish territory, they were
hesitant in resettling there because of their experience in the past
living among other nationalities. Because of their hesitation various
underhanded methods were used against them. The pressures against them
became more intense, until the spring of 1944 when several men decided to
go to Berlin. They were successful, and the Interior Ministry declared
that they could not be resettled against their will.
The offer extended to them to settle in
Luxembourg or the southern Steiermark, was accepted by some of them. The
offer came at the same time that it was announced that they camp would be
cleared. At the end of 1944 the camp was quickly evacuated, as the front
lines came closer and closer.
At this point the community that had
once been Mlinska was torn apart as the people were scattered far and wide
and in truth this was the end of German Mlinska forever.
The Last Leaf of the Tree
Our fellow villager, Heinrich Hosser,
who was born 07.12.1893 in Somogydöröschke, and he was the last of the
survivors of the generation who had left Hungary and settled in Croatia.
At first, his parents migrated to Srp. Seliste. Here they sold their
property later and moved on to Mlinska in 1917. In 1942 the family was
resettled in Kirschberg, Poland. From here Heinrich Hosser moved on to
the Steiermark. From Steiermark he went on to the refugee camp in
Salzburg. When this camp was closed, he and his wife, along with his son
and daughter-in-law and their children, moved to Neckarelz, where he lived
out his final years with his son’s family. When he made his final
journey, the last leaf of the trunk of the original settlers in Mlinska
fell from the tree, a mute testimony to the unforgettable story of the
founding and development of what had once been Mlinska.
The End of the War
In the last year of the war, the
villagers from Mlinska and Pasijan were scattered under God’s blue heaven
throughout all of Germany. Some were in Luxembourg, others in the
Steiermark, where they were settled along the frontier of Croatia. Others
were sent through Germany to the Ennstal. The families, in the heart of
the Reich who found work and a home, were much better off than the
others. Those who were settled in the west and the south east, as well as
those who had remained in the camp, were all forced to flee with the
coming of the advancing Allied armies. Some found themselves on the
streets and roads as the war and the front lines caught up with them. A
hard, uncertain and above all a hopeless time began for all of them. No
one knew what tomorrow might bring. To their good fortune, the occupying
powers had a better understanding of their situation as homeless and
displaced persons, than many of their own German officials. But there
were also examples of the support and kindness they received from local
German families. Especially difficult was the situation of women with
children without a husband or father, who had been conscripted into the
army, had died or was missing, or was somewhere in a prisoner of war camp.
Who on earth can write of all of the
worries and difficulties we endured, which every family had to bear on
their own. Some were terribly afflicted.
From the various letters and reports, I
want to lift up one of them, which I especially find the most tragic.
Perhaps, it will help some other to deal with the effects of their own
fate more easily.
Elisabeth Kah, the wife of Heinrich Kah
(Erdmann), whose family name was Deak, who came from Antunovac writes
briefly, in simple sentences, what a human being can endure. Here is an
excerpt from her letter:
“After the resettlement from Mlinska,
by night we came to Kirschberg, in District of Litzmannstadt, in present
day Poland. It was there where our son Horst Kah was born on 18.04.1943.
From July 1943 until March 1944 we lived in Tomaschow. From there I
returned to Kirschberg and on 19.05.1944 our son Gerhard was born. In
September of 1944 he was hospitalized, where we had to leave him, because
at the end of October, we had to flee to Graz. From their we had to move
to Knittelfeld/Steiermark in November 1944. On 23.02.1945, along with my
two children, Horst and Elisabeth, and I were victims of an air raid. Both
of the children died as a result, while I was terribly wounded. After the
air raid we found shelter in the small village of Fensch, in the vicinity
of Knittelfeld.
After my recovery I searched all across
Germany for my son Gerhard, and in 1949 I received word that he was living
with a family in Bad Pyrmont in Germany. Along with a transport of other
infants and children, along with wounded soldiers he was brought to Bad
Pyrmont and was given to a family that had seven children of their own.
At the beginning of 1949, I was able to
embrace my son Gerhard, who in the meantime had been baptized Peter, at
the German and Austrian border, having been brought there by a member of
the family that had cared for him. We then returned together to Fensch.
Fourteen days before, my mother-in-law
Theresia Erdmann had left to go overseas to Brazil to join her
daughter. She had been made aware of the fact that Gerhard had been
found. On 3.11.1949 I was divorced from my husband.
On 22.03.1950 I fled across the border
between Austria and Germany along with Gerhard, having paid the last of my
money to a man who would get us across so that I could join the family
that had raised Gerhard. They had expressed the wish that we come and join
them. Since that time I have lived in Bad Pyrmont.
Because of my separation from my former
husband, I was unable to claim any of the property we had lost, even
though we possessed all of the papers, which was also true of countless
other refugees…”
Until now the personal losses of the
Mlinska villagers, as a result of the Partisan raid and the war that we
have explored were very painful, but they were not as great in comparison
to what villages and their people suffered. The greatest losses occurred
after the end of the war, by those who returned home. They believed that
now that the war was over they had had enough of the uncertainties of
living in Germany and later in Austria, and they wanted to go home to
reclaim their homes and property. That is what they believed assuming
they had a right to do so. But they soon found out they had no rights at
all in their homeland, but were at the mercy of the new political reality
that was now in place. Many of those who returned never even saw Mlinska
again, but instead were immediately thrown into extermination camps. Most
of them would remain there as victims.
The following attempting to return
home to Mlinska:
Two Rittinger families, Jr. and Sr.
The family of Philipp Friedrich
The family of Philipp Ferber
The family of Hock
The family of Feist and Heberling
The family of Müller and Lux
The family of Kraus and Knies
The family of Jakob Rohmann and Rottenbiller
The family of Eva Beck and Henrich Beck
The family of Eiler and daughter Birkenbach with her son
Our countrymen, Johann Rittinger, who
along with a few other of our people were able to return and reach
Mlinska, describes his journey back to our hold homeland.
“In the Steiermark around Graz there
was no longer a possibility of us remaining there. The Russians sent us
home, and the Austrian officials were only to glad to be freed of us
Germans. We as Germans were now undesirable foreigners. That is why they
were in such a hurry to get rid of us. At Wildon we were loaded on trains
and they wanted to send us home across Marburg on the Drava River. When
we arrived there the bridge had been dynamited and we were sent back to
Graz. We remained there for two days on a railway siding. I learned that
there was a Tito embassy in Graz, where one could report in order to
return home to Yugoslavia. Along the way I met a group of Yugoslavian
Germans who had been robbed of everything on a transport going back to
Yugoslavia and tried to talk me out of going back home. But shortly
afterwards we received official permission to return to home after finding
the embassy. When I showed the Partisan my papers, he said, “You don’t
need any papers to go to Yugoslavia, because you are already inside of
Yugoslavia. Everything from here to Vienna will soon belong to
Yugoslavia.”
We then traveled across Hungary in the
direction of home. At Kotoriba our luggage was loaded on horse drawn
wagons that were waiting for us. Our luggage was divided among the wagon
drivers and we were brought into a camp. My driver was an honest man and
told me, that he did not want to have our luggage. He gave me his
address, and as soon I as I was free I could come and claim them. I was
later able to do that.
In the camp at Martijanec people were already dieing of typhus. In a
few days we were marched to the transit camp at Pettau. Here we still
received good food. We were interrogated and at our wish we were sent to
Croatia. We arrived at the camp of Precko by Agram. In this camp I cam
down with typhus and was put in the hospital at Sv. Duh. In Precko the
last of our possessions were taken from us, as well as our papers.
While in hospital I was visited by Dr. Koharvic, who earlier had been a
physician in Garesnica. I recognized him and he also recognized me. He
immediately went to work to attempt to have our people freed as soon as
possible.
Two days before Christmas in 1945, my aunt Elisabeth Ferber and my
brother were on our way to Mlinska. On the road between Garnesnica and
Pasijan, not far from the depot, we ran into Ljuban Vujkovic. As we
passed by one another, he recognized us and turned and asked, “Hans, is
that you? What on earth do you want in Mlinska? You no longer have no
reason to be there. Hitler had a bullet for himself, and for you we have
one too!”
That was some greeting. With great fear we came to Mlinska. There I
met my mother, and her granddaughter, Frieda. They lived with Vujkovic
Marko. We were not allowed into our own homes. This had been ordered by
the local committee. I found shelter with Frljanovic. He encouraged us.
And told us that we could no longer think in individualistic terms in the
future. That no longer had any meaning or significance.
Old Uncle Hock was with Anbna Prodanovic,
Friedrichs were at Janos and Feist and his daughter at Madjeric.
In Palesnik there was also a camp. Eva
Beck and her children, and her, and my brother-in-law Heinrich Beck got
out of the camp and came to Mlinska. Others also came and joined us, and
we worked wherever we could.
We found safety here and settled in.
Since we had relatives in the Krndija camp, my brother-in-law Heinrich
Beck and I drove there with food and provisions. On our way back I met a
transport of prisoners at the station in Bjelovar, among whom were all of
the Mlinska people who were with us, who had been assembled while we were
gone and were being sent to an extermination camp. I was warned to go
into hiding, which I did without returning to Mlinska, but headed to Agram
and Dr. Koharivic. Because he could not oppose the orders of the local
committee, he looked after me by placing me in the hospital and giving me
work there to support myself. I stayed there until all of the members of
my family, who had survived the camps, assembled in the neighbourhood. In
1955 we left for Germany. It was thirteen years after we had left home in
the first place and hopefully we would find a home again.
Memories
Our fellow villagers and countrymen
Johann Kohler and Johann Rittinger, Sr., have recorded their painful
experiences in the form of poetry. They said what many lived through
within themselves. When the heart is full the mouth runs over.
The Terrors of Krndia
By
Johann Rittinger ( married to Katharina Hock )
Upon the hill of Krndia
there stands a cross above its heights,
As often as I think of it, my heart knows so much pain.
In the cemetery of Krndia,
on the path that separates,
There lies buried my blessed wife.
She had suffered so much
before she met her end,
And made her husband a widower.
The angel of death
harvested here,
And bedded thousands in these graves.
He robbed many a mother of
her child,
And bowed the heads of many of the elderly.
Whole families he brought
to an untimely end,
And made very many little children into orphans.
He forced the aged mothers
count the long days,
And then finally at the end laid them in their graves.
He robbed many a young
hopeful groom of his bride,
And turned the hopes of a would-be bride to dust.
O, Cemetery of Krndia, you
terror of the time,
Within you lie humans from far and wide.
One from the south, the
other from the east,
The third from the north, and the fourth from the west.
Without a home now, having
been driven from their house,
That is how my loved ones were afflicted by others.
O, Acre of freedom, with a
cross at the centre,
You have become a field of crosses, with one after another.
My heart wants to break
because of all of this even now,
And I want to fly to Krndia and weep myself until I can cry no more.
Of what use is all of my
weeping, of what value is my complaint,
I cannot have my loved ones back again.
They lie here buried on
the fields of Krndia
God wanted it this way and called them out of this world.
I am abandoned by my
brothers and sisters, my parents are dead,
Have mercy upon me, Almighty God!
Today I thought of Krndia
again,
And wish my loved ones good night, one more time.